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Perceptions of Sexuality and Gender Relations Among the Igbo and Implications for the Reproductive Health of Men and Women : Selected Findings from Awka and Agulu, Anambra State, Nigeria

By Nkoli Ezumah

(Acknowledgement: To the John D and Catherine T MacArthur Foundation for funding this project under the Fund for Leadership Development Nigeria.)

Summary

This presentation focuses on selected findings from a study titled Promoting Healthy Sexuality and Gender Relations Among the Igbo through a Public Educational Programme: A Case Study of Awka (Urban) and Agulu (Rural) of Anambra State, Nigeria. The study had both a research component and an educational intervention programme. It investigated the perceptions, norms, attitudes and practices underlying sexuality and gender relations, and how they affected the reproductive health and rights of women in selected areas of South Eastern Nigeria.

The findings demonstrate that the Igbo perceptions of sexuality and gender relations are an integral part of their ideas about marriage, as well as their perception of acceptable male and female sexual behaviour prior to and within marriage. More specifically, some issues that pose serious threats to the attainment of reproductive health in men and women and the reproductive rights of women were identified. They include the following:
· There are no serious sanctions imposed on boys for indulging in pre-marital sex.
· Similarly, no serious sanctions are imposed on married men for establishing sexual liaisons.
· The practice of men having concubines is sustained.
· Parents who do not have male children sometimes encourage one of their unmarried daughters to procreate for the natal family in order to have a male child to perpetuate the lineage.
· Widows who desire to have additional children and women who are not able to achieve pregnancy with their husbands use this system as a means of meeting their need to procreate.
· Women were found to be powerless in handling marital infidelity by their husbands as a consequence of their low socio-economic status.
· Women are unable to assert their right to refuse sex with their husbands when they do not desire sex or feel it is not safe, due to fear of repercussions.

These issues arising from people's sexual behaviours, practices, beliefs and assumptions about male and female sexuality and gender relations show that the social construction of sexuality and gender relations are major deterrents to the attainment of women's reproductive health and rights. This study therefore emphasises the need to provide a public educational programme that will enable men and women make informed decisions about sexuality, marriage and child-bearing, and also encourage men to take responsibility for their sexual behaviour and the well-being of their partners.

1. Introduction

This presentation focuses on selected findings from a study called Promoting Healthy Sexuality and Gender Relations Among the Igbo Through a Public Educational Programme: A Case Study of Awka (urban) and Agulu (rural) of Anambra State, Nigeria.

Objectives

The objectives of the study were as follows:
· To examine the perceptions, practises and norms underlying sexuality and gender relations among the Igbo;
· To determine how these perceptions, practises and norms affect the reproductive health and rights of women;
· To undertake a public educational intervention programme to improve knowledge, practices and behaviour of people in the study area and beyond;
· To devise empowerment strategies to be used in order to promote women's reproductive health and rights.

Reproductive health is seen as "a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and to its function and processes" (Germain and Kyte 1995). Following from this definition, reproductive rights include the right to make decisions concerning reproduction that are free of discrimination, coercion and violence. Sexuality, on the other hand, is an integral part of people's lives and refers to the expressions of sexual behaviour, including perceptions (beliefs, values, attitudes) and cultural practices that are associated with masculinity and femininity.

In spite of cultural diversities and emerging sexual identities, in many societies certain sexual norms lead to approval and disapproval of certain sexual practises. The system of marriage in any society greatly influences people's perception of sexuality before, within and after marriage. This is why marriage has been referred to as "a pole around which sexual culture is organised" (Carael 1995). This also explains why various societies have certain forms of sanction for dealing with any deviation from socially accepted sexual behaviour and gender roles. Gender roles are prescribed expectations about obligations, responsibilities and behaviours of males and females that are derived from cultural beliefs, values and attitudes. Consequently, notions about gender and gender roles are socially constructed through the process of socialisation. These gender roles therefore influence the ways men and women express their sexuality.

Justification

The critical health needs of women in Nigeria in the area of sexuality and gender relations concerning their reproductive health and rights have not received adequate attention in population policies and programmes. Reproductive health problems constitute about 60% of disease in Africa (Aitken and Reichenbach 1994). While some of these reproductive health problems arise from childbirth and the management of pregnancy, others are related to socio-cultural factors. Among these factors, sexuality and gender relations are of importance. Women's low socio-economic status and gender roles make them vulnerable to reproductive tract infections (RTIs) and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) (Adekunle and Ladipo 1992). Yet due to social stigma, women often do not seek medical treatment and therefore suffer in silence. This situation in turn aggravates disease complications (Olukoya 1996). Sexual violence (which occurs in the form of rape, wife battery and incest) also threatens women's psychological and physical well-being. Consequently, they are not able to exercise their reproductive rights in negotiating the nature, timing and frequency of sexual activities with their partners, or to protect themselves from unwanted pregnancies and diseases (Aral 1992). Moreover, cultural practices that promote the system of keeping concubines, indulgence in multiple sexual liaisons and the double standard of morality (which condones male but not female promiscuity) contribute to the spread of STDs and enhance the heterosexual transmission of HIV/Aids (Turshen 1991). The spread of HIV has been associated with deeply ingrained sexual behaviours. This is why it has been asserted that "in sub-Saharan Africa, the single most important risk factor for women is being married" (Moodie 2000). In addition, women's compliance with passivity in sexuality predisposes them to ignorance and misinformation about the sexual behaviour of their partners and the consequences of such actions (Gammage 1997). The above issues, which stem from people's sexual behaviours, attitudes, practices, beliefs and assumptions about male/female sexuality and gender roles, are major deterrents to the attainment of women's reproductive health and rights.

Although sexuality and particularly sexual behaviour are beginning to attract attention, there is a dearth of information on how sexuality and gender relations affect the reproductive health and empowerment of women in different cultural settings. Cubis (2000) has also emphasised the importance of studies on sexuality and gender relations, particularly in the effort to seek adequate responses to the HIV pandemic. She has aptly stated that "Education and condom distribution… cannot be considered an effective response unless gender issues have been taken into account. Generally the role of women in society makes it difficult for them to take protective measures." Research on sexuality and gender relations, the results of which will enable a better understanding of those perceptions, attitudes, norms, practices and assumptions that underlie sexuality and gender relations, was therefore undertaken. The findings will be used to design intervention programmes and strategies aimed at improving the reproductive health and rights of people in the study areas and even beyond.

Methodology

The study was carried out in Awka (an urban area) and Agulu (a rural area). Awka is a university town and the capital of Anambra State, Nigeria. Agulu is a rural community about 30 kms from Awka. Both communities are indigenously inhabited by Igbo-speaking peoples of Nigeria. The Igbo represent one of the three major ethnic group groups in Nigeria. (The other two are the Hausa and the Yoruba.) The major occupation of the Igbo in the rural areas is farming. Five communities, three in Awka and two in Agulu, were randomly selected for the study. The study was carried out using a combination of quantitative household survey and qualitative methods of focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews (IDIs). The sample population for the household surveys was 1 000 persons. This comprised 600 respondents from Awka and 400 from Agulu. There were 423 males and 575 females. A ratio of 2:3 was used in the selection to ensure that women were well-represented in the study. Eighteen FGDs were undertaken. These comprised various groups of men and women, covering three age ranges: 15 - 24 years; 25 - 44 years; and 45 years and above. Each of the FGD groups had between 8 and 10 persons that were homogenously selected. There were 16 IDIs comprised of 8 men and 8 women. They included community leaders, farmers, retired public servants and a proprietor of schools.

2. Results and Discussion
2.1 Perceptions about appropriate age for marriage

Marriage among the Igbo is seen as a very important stage in the developmental cycle of men and women. Thus it is expected that upon attaining the appropriate age and having the means, one should be married. Respondent's perceptions about the appropriate age of marriage for boys and girls were investigated. It was found that 89% of the survey respondents felt that girls should be married between 18 and 29 years. On further probing, 76.3% said that the reason for their preference of this age group was to ensure that girls would be physically mature and would have acquired intellectual knowledge through education. This would enable them to face the challenges of marriage and to be able to give birth without complications (see Table 1a). Emphasising the need for maturing, a female community leader in an IDI at Agulu added "a girl needs to be mature enough to endure certain things she will come across as a married woman."

Where the ideal age for marriage by boys was concerned, 77.7% indicated that the suitable age was between 30 and 35 years. The main reason given by 94.3% of those who indicated this preference was that by this age, the man would have a good education or skill, which would provide him with regular employment. He should also be mature and financially capable of meeting his responsibilities to his wife, children and the society (Table 1b). However, a youth leader at Agulu in an IDI pointed out that there was no fixed age bracket, as it all depended on a man's capability. For him, once a man could fend for himself and also take care of his family, he should go ahead and get married. An important notion that ran through all these responses is that boys and girls or men and women are expected to get married at the appropriate time. Information on people's perception of unmarried persons was therefore sought.

Table 1a: Responses on appropriate age for girls to get married, by gender

Table 1b: Reasons for appropriate age for boys/men to get married, by gender

2.2 Perceptions of an unmarried person

Due to the fact that marriage is seen as a very important stage in people's life cycle, people's inability to get married when they are of age is perceived to be problematic. The vast majority - 91.0% - of the survey respondents said that an unmarried man is regarded as an irresponsible, hopeless and worthless person. In Igbo, he is called "Akalogoli." However, there were few respondents who indicated that a man could remain unmarried due to financial constraints, destiny or desire to be celibate like priests (see Tables 2a, 2b). These findings were reflected in the FGDs and IDIs at both Awka and Agulu. In the case of girls, marriage is seen as a very important state that must be attained. Right from infancy, a young girl is perceived in the light of the future role that she is expected to play as a wife. Thus names like "Unoaku" (house of money) or "Akpaego" (bag of money) are given to girls. These are references to the bride-wealth that the parents anticipate receiving from would-be in-laws when their daughters get married in the future. Indicating how marriage is seen as enhancing a girl's status. A female community leader at Awka aptly remarked that among the Igbo "The husband is perceived as a woman's source of prestige." Hence the Igbo expression: "di bu ugwu nwanyi." She went on to add, "If you were to move to the white man's land, an unmarried woman has no problems as long as she is able to sustain herself. Whereas in the Igbo land, such a person is not accorded due respect."

Information from the survey shows that 37.6% perceive an unmarried woman as an irresponsible person. However, 32.4% said that an unmarried woman might be unlucky or unfortunate in the marriage market. Such a person is referred to as "Asidi" (see Tables 3a, 3b). To buttress this point, a female community leader in an IDI at Agulu pointed out that an unmarried woman is seen to be unlucky because she cannot force a man to marry her. But if a woman remains unmarried because of her fastidious taste or promiscuous lifestyle, then society regards her as an irresponsible person. These points were also amplified in the FGDs. In addition, FGD participants pointed out that a woman may also remain unmarried because of bad character or destiny. Commenting on the new trend of single professional career women, a male community leader at Awka said in an IDI that some well-educated professional women and some wealthy women do not want to get married because they do not want to be under the authority of a man.

Table 2a: How society perceives an unmarried man, by gender

Table 2b: How society perceives an unmarried man, by marital status

Table 3a: How society regards an unmarried woman, by gender

Table 3b: How society regards an unmarried woman, by marital status

2.3 How a man demonstrates his manhood

In order to investigate the inter-relationship between Igbo people's perceptions of manhood, sexuality and gender relations, how a man demonstrates his manhood was examined. Perceptions about how a man demonstrates his manhood were found to be consistent throughout the FGDs and IDIs. The following yardsticks were identified:
· By getting married;
· Impregnating his wife and raising children;
· Fulfilling his obligations to his wife and children (meeting the needs of food, shelter, clothing, health care and protection and discipline);
· Meeting his obligation to the larger society (see Tables 4a, 4b).

Emphasising the importance attached to a man's position in the family, a community leader in an IDI at Agulu pointed out that "a man has to show he is the pillar of his family by struggling and taking care of his wife and children and meeting their needs." A female principal in an IDI at Awka, while highlighting the importance of a man's meeting the needs of his family, also indicated that "A man's capability is weighed through the wife's body. It should reflect on his wife and children, so that when they are seen passing, they will be recognised and he will be hailed as a wealthy and capable man."

Findings from the survey indicate that a man demonstrates his manhood in the following ways:

Table 4a: How a man demonstrates his manhood, by gender